Posts Tagged ‘ACTSA’

“Don’t be a sadack”

Monday, November 2nd, 2009

There was some interesting discussion at the ACTSA AGM and Annual Conference this weekend. I wrote earlier in the year of the failure of SADC – the Southern African  Development Community – to play a role where most needed in the democratic development of the region. There was amusement in the conference hall when Vimbai Mushongera, Parliamentary and Advocacy Officer of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), told us that Zimbabweans were now using SADC (pronounced ‘sad-ack’) in general language to describe something or someone irreponsible or unreliable; as in “Oi Dave, don’t be a SADC.”

But there’s a serious point within and she was quick to point out that the exclusion of the people and the evasion of accountability of SADC was not helpful to their struggle in Zimbabwe. Nor to comrades in Swaziland. Vincent Dlamini, Deputy Secretary General of the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU), was clear to the audience that what would be most useful to their democratic fight would be the building and strengthening of organisation-to-organisation relations, be that trade unions, student unions, or NGOs. Unfortunately, he offered little by the way of an update on how the civil society, pro-democracy coalition, SUDF were getting on. Since I met the SUDF back in June, they have seen the acquittal and release from detention of Mario Masuku, leader of PUDEMO, the banned Swazi political party. But there is a long way to go in the fight for multi-party democracy and the end to Africa’s only autocratic absolute monarchy. Tony Dykes, Director of ACTSA, set out not only the importance of pressure coming from below but of the lead coming from Zimbabwe and Swaziland – we in Britain, and elsewhere in the democratic world, must then pick up that lead to assist their struggle.

Good conversation too on how ACTSA can use World Cup 2010 in South Africa as a hook for their campaigning work. You can find out more about what ACTSA do – and, in due course, their work around the world cup – by visiting their website, www.actsa.org.

 

UPDATE: ACTSA are holding an event at SOAS this Thursday, 5th November, which all Young Fabian members are invited to.

Southern Africa: Democracy and development 7:00 – 8:30 pm, Room G50, Russell Square Campus, School of Oriental and African Studies, Russell Square, London. Featuring Vimbai Mushongera (Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions), Vincent Dlamini (Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions).

Email info@actsa.org to reserve a place.

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The politics of loyalty (and investing in hope)

Wednesday, July 1st, 2009

Young Fabian International Officer, Adrian Prandle, looks at the democratic struggle in Zimbabwe on the ACTSA youth delegation to southern Africa.

Meeting with Munjodzi Mutandiri, an activist in the MDC who works at the Johannesburg desk of the NCA, a pressure group  fighting for a democratic constitution in Zimbabwe, and Chiedza Gadzirayi, International Relations Secretary of ZINASU, the Zimbabwe National Students Union, gave an enlightening insight into the state of affairs in Zimbabwe since Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC entered the government.

Loyalty to political leadership is a fascinating topic (this isn’t going to be about Gordon Brown and his Cabinet by the way). There were some very direct parallels between the attitudes of these two passionate young Zimbabweans and those in Labour’s youth movements here – Young Fabians included. Though of course fighting our campaigns in the UK doesn’t result in you being a political prisoner in jails unchanged since the colonial 70s, sharing space with real criminals, as Chiedza had devastatingly experienced. Does loyalty to leaders, structures and hierarchies, and the institution itself (Labour and the MDC in this case) help young people in getting their views on the agenda? Or does it simply merge them into the status quo, stymieing their healthy radicalism and innovation? Does such loyalty help or hinder political careers? And at what stage should young people have the confidence to stand up and say this isn’t working?

In terms of the Labour movement in the UK, perhaps the least contentious question to deal with is that of political careers. This is a generalisation, but I think it is fair to say that within Labour’s youth movements, loyalty to leadership and policy is more likely to get you up and running, and as such is practised more than it is rejected.

I have no reason to think that the views of Chiedza and Munjodzi were career-oriented and every reason to think they were passionate for their cause(s). However, something is causing a difficult contradiction in the story they tell of Zimbabwe in 2009.

It’s a story of ZINASU’s relationship with the MDC – for whom they had actively campaigned – breaking down as the MDC became effectively a ruling party and the subsequent vacuum in ZINASU’s position on the party and the new government. As they make little ground in their campaign for the reinstatement of students expelled from university for political reasons and their push for measures that will lead to the reopening of the 29 of Zimbabwe’s universities (about two thirds of the total) that are closed, Chiedza tells of a ‘relationship really turned sour’ with the MDC.

The Education ministry is one still controlled by a ZANU PF minister reluctant to engage. And there is understanding but frustration that Prime Minister Tsvangirai’s hands are basically tied with no money in the economy and Robert Mugabe retaining greater power and a bullying approach to the new members of the government. But at the same time, relationships with civil society are already ‘very strained’, says Munjodzi. There are criticisms that Tsvangirai is betraying certain values and showing too much willing to defend Mugabe. Despite a background in the unions and in campaigning on constitutional reform, he is not living up to expectations.

Nevertheless, both comrades were clear that they still had confidence in Morgan Tsvangirai as leader of the democratic cause and a firm belief that MDC Congress would vote him out of office if it came to the point where such action was necessary.

I’m less sure. But when your struggle has got this far, it is no surprise that an investment in hope finds its way to the forefront and the question of when to stand up and say ‘this isn’t working’ is left for another day.

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Swaziland: More questions than answers

Thursday, June 25th, 2009

The latest update from Adrian Prandle, Young Fabian International Officer, on the ACTSA delegation to southern Africa.

A busy time in Swaziland saw meetings with the Swaziland National Union of Students, Luvatsi (a youth empowerment organisation), the EU Commission delegation to Swaziland, the United Nations Development Programme, and the Swaziland United Democratic Front (SUDF), as well as a day spent in the field seeing the work of SWAPOL (Swaziland for Positive Living).

It’s hard to take one clear message from such an extensive programme and harder still to reconcile with our own experiences in the UK. The youth organisations face similar challenges to the Young Fabians, such as operating within a tiny budget, yet deal with the much bigger problems of recognition and ability to engage with government and decision-makers.

This is primarily because Swaziland is an undemocratic one party state controlled by the monarch, King Mswati III. His spending is focussed on himself and his coterie rather than addressing the needs of the population. The lack of investment in infrastructure – i.e. school buildings and teachers – is preventing the court-enforced commitment to free primary education from being rolled out with any speed. The SUDF is a coalition of banned political parties, trade unions and civil society organisations fighting for a multi-party system. Whilst passionate for their cause, the SUDF is in its early stages and has much to do to engage with the wider population of Swaziland, let alone be seen by the King as a serious force in curbing his lifestyle and pushing for democracy.

In terms of impact from outside of the country, there is one major stumbling block and a devastating chain that exacerbates it. Swaziland is a middle income country, meaning it is not a high priority for aid and meaning that conditional aid is limited in its effect – ultimately because the King doesn’t rely on this money, so does not feel pressured to change behaviour or spending. Swaziland’s per capita income is going up in tragic circumstances: high HIV/AIDS rates mean Swaziland has a decreasing population, hence the appearance of greater wealth.

Gender was an issue constantly raised over these few days. There is a philosophical debate to be had about moral and cultural relativism, but it is fair to say that there was reasonable consensus at an organisational level from our meetings, that the role of men in sexual relationships had a major impact upon being able to tackle the spread of HIV/AIDS - responsibility, yes, but combined with the culture of polygamy and having multi-concurrent sexual partners. SWAPOL’s work seeks to educate around HIV/AIDS at a community level and promotes and facilitates sustainable projects to enable meaningful living with HIV/AIDS. In a country lacking basic education for all, generational change though is difficult to guarantee.

The theory goes that multi-party democracy would enable a reduction in inequality through fairer distribution of financial resources, particularly aimed at health and education. But there’s a long way to travel – which is perhaps why these Swazi organisations were so keen to meet with us. This peaceful battle is on uncertain ground, notably due to King Mswati’s position in the region. SADC, the South African Development Community, has pretty much failed to stand up to Mswati’s hypocrisy in using his position as chair of SADC’s Troika of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation to criticise the state of Madagascan democracy whilst his own country has jailed the leader of PUDEMO, the banned opposition party. The friendship between South African President Jacob Zuma and Mswati does not leave Swazi activists with much confidence that help in their struggle will come across the border any time soon.

Amidst an EU Commission Delegation that appeared to me to be hamstrung or dispassionate about its mission, I leave you with questions rather than answers: How should a responsible international community deal with inequality in a middle income country? And how can we, as British citizens and/or Young Fabian members, highlight the tragedy of a country getting richer whilst its population suffers and dies?

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From the past to the future via ‘ubuntu’

Thursday, June 11th, 2009

Three Young Fabians are currently taking part in a delegation organised by ACTSA to southern Africa. Here Adrian Prandle, International Officer on the Young Fabian Executive, writes about the connection between what has gone and what is coming and an African philosophy.

Constitution Hill in Johannesburg, South Africa, is the coming together of contrasts. From the grim history of the – now closed – prison block to the modern splendour, pride and ambition of the Constitutional Court which opened in 2004.

The personal testimonies of former prisoners were told through a tour of the blocks – Number 4, Old Fort and the Women’s Wing – which had incarcerated Winnie Mandela, Mahatma Gandhi and others over the years. The poor conditions and the discriminatory processes felt real and wrong as brave, brave people stood up for what they believed in. Political prisoners were mixed in with serious criminals and racial segregation meant more severe discomfort and treatment.

South Africans are extremely proud of their constitution and the Constitutional Court demonstrates in its architecture the balance between learning from history and looking to the future. What appears at first glance to be a very modern building, in fact incorporates some of the remaining prison structures with the combination of old and new symbolising the importance of learning from the past but moving on optimistically. It’s grandly carved front doors detail the articles of the constitution in the nation’s eleven spoken languages – plus sign language and braille. The constitutional court is for everyone we were told. It is made up of eleven judges, again with reference to the languages, and there is much pride that this includes two judges with disabilities, signifying that no-one is excluded in today’s South Africa.

Talking to young South Africans and Zimbabweans afterwards offered an insight into their passion and innovation in promoting democracy and youth particpation. Some, under the ‘Democracy Begins In Conversation’ vehicle ran Radio Con Hill which sought to facilitate young people’s engagement with, for example, constitutional court judges. They explained the philosophy of ‘ubuntu’ as being about humanity, solidarity and cooperation; about understanding that if you have something then somebody else doesn’t and you should share. The youth leaders offered their disappointment at the occasions in recent history when this spirit of Africanism had not been at the forefront of all their countrymen’s behaviour. Rafael, the young activist from Zimbabwe’s MDC party, expressed his willingness to die for the cause of democracy if that was what President Mugabe had in store for him and his colleagues. But he was optimistic that change was happening one way or another: “We have sown the seeds – one day it will grow.”

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