Archived entries for Foreign Policy

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Leaving with hope

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Marie-Noelle Loewe reflects on the experience as the trip draws to a close.

It’s been one week exactly since the Young Fabians Delegation left for our trip to Israel and Palestine, and coincidentally, we return from our trip on the tenth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. At Ben Gurion Airport, security is tense, but this time no one from our delegation has been asked for further questioning.

It is hard to say what the outcomes of our trip will be. Every delegate came from a different background and with different expectations. Although all had approached the trip with an open mind, they had brought certain preconceptions about life in the conflict with them. The one thing that has become clear is that these have been challenged and often dispelled.

Nothing about the Middle Eastern conflict is black and white. After an intensive week of meetings, field visits and socialising, we have barely scratched the surface of the conflict.

The one thing that seems to have become clear to me is that time is running out. Palestinian statehood is crucial on order to support the moderate forces within Palestine. Before this trip, I was under the impression that only a small and extreme minority was still questioning Israel’s right to exist. I was shocked to find out that this view is far wider spread that I had expected.  The current Palestinian leadership is committed to a peaceful and stable two state solution, but they need a success soon to placate extreme forces within their ranks.

The outbreaks of violence and the resulting ascent of Hamas after Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 make its reluctance to unilateral withdrawal from further settlements partly understandable. However, Israel’s continued presence in Hebron, which does not seem to be supported by a majority within Israel, continues to not only violate Palestinian human rights, but is a symbol of resistance around which anti-Israeli forces can rally.  Israel has to find a way to compensate the settlers and recognize the sacrifices which they will have to make, but Benjamin Netanyahu needs to find the political courage to withdraw from H2 soon.

Palestine’s bid at the UN seems to be based rather on despair than on actual hope of success.  A negotiated solution is certainly preferable, but Israel should use the General Assembly meeting as a chance to engage with the Palestinian leadership rather than categorically oppose their proposal.

A week in the holy land has provided unlimited amounts of food for thought, but the ‘holy grail’ remains elusive.  The obvious strategy is to strengthen moderate forces and condemn violence.

The situation seems often bleak and stalled, but despite this, I leave with a feeling of hope.

Marie-Noelle Loewe is International Officer for the Young Fabians and the organiser of the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Wasted days

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Tasmin James ponders a meeting with Gilead Sher..

I’m still trying to get my thoughts together after all our meetings and visits. So much information in such a short amount of time is hard to process. But two things struck me from our meeting with Gilead Sher, who previously negotiated at Camp David for the Israeli Government.

First, that he thought the Arab Spring was a cause for optimism for Israel; that it should be used as an opportunity, not a threat. He saw the need for a regional consensus towards peace, and that this was a chance to develop it. Sadly, I didn’t get the opportunity to ask him more about this, but his viewpoint struck me as so different to the strong sense of a threat from the changes in the Middle East region that come from many of the other Israelis I had met. Even as they welcomed the chance for others to achieve reform, they saw their own allies disappearing. And the lesson taken from Syria, was that the international community might not intervene, whatever happened.

In discussions I had with Israelis, their focus on their own vulnerability was exceptionally strong, something I had not appreciated enough before this visit. And yesterday, progressive Israeli’s I met, who wanted to agree with Gilead Sher’s words, were reeling from the news of the attack on their embassy in Egypt. ‘It is best to be optimistic’ they said, ‘but the world is not an optimistic place.’

But the second thing that stuck with me from talking to Gilead Sher was his strong sense that time was running out to reach a peace agreement; that the opportunity to reach a negotiated final settlement was limited. This seemed pessimistic compared to his previous statements but our final meeting with Gadi Baltiansky from the Geneva Institute helped clarify the position for me. He agreed with Gilad, pointing out that demographic changes would become problematic to Israel as time passed and that settlements would become more entrenched. He made the point that Israel also could not rely on the internal and external situation remaining sympathetic.

And, as he summed it up ‘Every day that we don’t reach an agreement is a wasted day’.

Tasmin James is a member of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Do the answers lie with the youth?

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Young Fabian Chair Adrian Prandle examines the role of young people in the region.

As the Young Fabian Middle East Delegation approaches its final couple of meetings, it is worth reflecting on the role and experience of young people in the region. Over the last five days, the delegation has met with youth representatives from Fateh in Palestine and the Labour Party in Israel, learnt about the (extensive) work of HaNoar HaOved, and interacted with residents of Jaffa at the Arab-Jewish Community Centre to the south of Tel Aviv. It is important to consider their perspective of domestic issues alongside conflict politics.

It’s a relief to report that for the most part there was huge optimism in young activists and amongst those we met. BICOM told us that the recent social protests in Israel have had students at their heart, whilst Nidal Foqahar of the Palestinian Peace Coalition insisted that young people made a difference in the struggle to end the conflict – “taking the lead in developing new realities on the ground.” Social media has been utilised in both countries and apparently Gaza has the highest number of Facebook users per capita in the world. Whilst in Israel the squeezed youth are part of the squeezed middle, often university educated and in employment yet still finding it hard to close the month, in Palestine long-term economic decline has reversed. But youth unemployment remains high and the Office of the Quartet Representative continue their capacity-building work to counter enormous dropout rates and the 1000 classroom shortage in the Palestinian education system.

Having opportunity to talk with users of the Arab-Jewish Community Centre was a welcome opportunity during the trip to try and understand ‘real’ people as well as the activists and high-level meetings that we were fortunate to have through most of the schedule. Living side-by-side in the 5,000 year-old city, the centre helps Muslims, Jews and Christians mix and “understand each other’s narratives”. Despite the commonality of those of Arab descent having to work three jobs to get by (as the financial, social and occupational benefits from serving in the Israeli military were not accessible to them) we encountered just a little frustration and a lot more optimism and pride in working hard and achieving a decent standard of living.

It would be unfair to characterise Fateh Youth by the one voice that dominated our meeting and which others delegates have already posted on – but whilst the radicalism and ideology characteristic of youth politics outside of the UK, may not have been surprising, the unwillingness to empathise with the Israeli situation was disappointing and remains one of the lows of the trip. Not all Fatah Youth colleagues were so dramatic and the ‘older’ politicians we met from their party countered these views with realism, understanding and a desire to find a way through. In contrast, the members of Young Labour in Israel who we went to dinner with last night offered a firm belief in a two state solution on the basis of Israeli compromise. But despite a sense (contrasted elsewhere) that the country is moving to the left, the Labour Party has been waning. We’ll watch the outcome of Monday’s leadership election with interest as to whether rebuilding the party can help rebuild sustainably the two nations’ relations.

A quick word too on HaNoar HaOved – the General Federation of Students and Young Workers in Israel, a fascinating organisation who, like the Fabians, are separate from the Labour Party but historically rooted in the same politics. They are part membership organisation, part think-tank, as well as being the trade union for all young workers in Israel. The latter isn’t that common, and may be something worth exploring in the UK. (I’ve recently written on unions and young people for a Unions 21 publication to be launch at Trade Union Congress this week.) Membership is not just limited to Israeli Jews, HaNoar build relationships in other countries – e.g. Egypt – and educate people of all ages. They see the latter as the solution for both peace and a good society and were keen to emphasise their belief that you can’t really separate socio-economic issues and the conflict.

I look forward to understanding more about what they do and maintaining contact with them post-delegation – it is organisations like this which can make a difference to people’s lives, make a difference to public policy, and thus potentially make a difference to regional conflict and the quest for peace.

‘The people demand social justice’ has been the chant for the recent Israeli protests. If both Israelis and Palestinians can achieve their own social justice as well as understand each other’s domestic pressures, there may just be another critical step towards peace.

Adrian Prandle is a Chair of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Israeli divisions

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Natalie Breslaw reflects on the contrasts within Israel.

Travelling from Jerusalem to Tel Aviv it is difficult not to register the cultural differences between these two cities; so far as that you could presume that these two cities are already in two entirely different countries.

Spending the evening talking to members of Israeli Young Labour, I learnt about the Israeli electoral system and the dreadful effects of proportional representation. Here it has given the extreme left and right a disproportionate influence in government policy-making.

The extreme right advocate the whole of Palestine and Israel as the state of Israel, proposing all Palestinians leave and move to surrounding countries such as Jordan, while the extreme left want a one state solution with Israelis and Palestinians living together.

To further the political differences, religion divides Israel throughout. Ultra orthodox Jews refuse to accept the state of Israel and are anti-Zionist, whilst the orthodox want separation of women and men on buses and trains. Walking around Tel Aviv is the polar opposite. With strip clubs, nightclubs and restaurants selling ham and prawns, it is the clearest example of a secular town in a so-called Jewish state.

Natalie Breslaw is a member of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Meeting Fateh Youth

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Siobhan Randell reflects on the group’s meeting with Fateh Youth.

Our meeting with Fateh Youth on Wednesday morning proved really great to see young people with similar interests (even if we differed in some opinions). It was good to see Palestinian young men and women engaged in political activity in a peaceful and organised means, which can only be positive to the nation-building of Palestine.

However, a member of Fateh argued that their problem was not with the State of Israel, but with Israel as a Jewish state. They believed religion should be removed from that title and that it should be a state for all religions with equal rights. After visiting Yad Vashem – the living memorial to the Holocaust – later in the day I better understood the need for a Jewish State that as a homeland for Jewish people. One that provides security for a population that has had its people and culture attacked for hundreds of years.

Of course a Jewish state must treat all races and religions with equal rights as is expected of all states, especially of a democracy. However, Israeli Arabs that we spoke to at the Arab-Jewish Community Centre in Jaffa feel that they do not have equal rights and are marginalised in society – for example, because they do not do military service, they cannot receive housing discounts and thus are priced out of the city.

We return regularly to the Palestinian’s quest for statehood via the UN. The reasons why the UN bid is a necessity for Palestine that should be supported by the international community was explained really well by the policy advisors and senior members of the Fateh party to us on Wednesday. I was especially impressed by the compromise Fateh said they were willing to make – demilitarising the country and accepting NATO or UN soldiers to act as security between Israel and Palestine.

However, I can also understand the Israeli worry that as soon as they pull out of the West Bank we may see a repeat of what happened in Gaza where an extremist group took charge and attacks against Israel greatly increased.

I have come to the conclusion that what is really slowing the peace process down are the worry that the Israeli government will use the security wall as a de facto border for negotiations and the issue of settlements, which personally I believe should have been solved a long time ago. The situation in Hebron and the fact that building has continued in Palestinian territories blight Israel’s reputation as a progressive democracy.

Siobhan Randell is a member of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – The Economy, Stupid

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Joel Mullan discusses nationa-building in Palestine.

The two-state solution is one of the shibboleths of the Arab-Israeli conflict, accepted as the end-game (at official level at least) by the Israeli government, by the PLO and by the vast majority of the international community.

Acres of newsprint are expended each week on physical conflict – confrontations between the various sides and analysis of the latest tit-for-tat. Yet very little is reported on one of the great strategic challenges for the region: a two-state solution requires action to be taken to allow for the birth of a viable Palestinian state. This is an obvious, yet oft forgotten or overlooked, truth.

The economic challenges are formidable. Palestinian GDP is equivalent to just 3% of the Israeli economy. A significant wage differential exists between the two countries which provides incentives for people to leave Palestinian territory and attempt to find work illegally in Israel, rather than complete the education that the Palestinian people will need if they are to compete in the new global economy.

Action is needed on the ground to break down the barriers to trade. In Hebron, we saw first-hand row upon row of closed stores. Closed, we were informed, either as the result of military order or in frustration with the conditions.

More broadly, progress needs to be made on improving arrangements for access to the Israeli and foreign markets, as well as movement of goods and services within the West Bank – a view shared by both the Office of the Quartet Representative and by the Palestinian leadership.

This situation is complex, and even the solutions to economic issues often require political answers. The economic success or otherwise of a future Palestinian state has deep repercussions for other dimensions of the conflict. For example, if economic failure results in delays to the pay of Palestinian civil employees, we could see security personnel abandon their posts. Similarly economic problems which worsen civilian conditions run the risk of strengthening more radical elements of the Palestinian political spectrum.

However, there is recognisable optimism. Senior figures in the Palestinian leadership called for the Palestinian diaspora to provide the expertise needed for nation-building and shared with us a vision for a Palestine capable of harnessing new technology to provide services which can compete with the likes of both India and, even, Germany. The Quartet is working hard with the Palestinians in their efforts and the Israeli Government is clear that “we don’t want a failed state.”

An opportunity for the world’s press arises in the next few weeks – on September 20th the UN General Assembly will assess Palestine’s application for membership of the United Nations. The economic situation is ripe for consideration.

Joel Mullan is a member of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Cinderella, where are your shoes?

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Tasmin James reflects on her experiences of the Israeli health system.

When I came to Jerusalem for new experiences, I hadn’t expected these experiences to include a ride in an ambulance and a couple of days board and lodging in an Israeli hospital. So I might have missed out on some extremely interesting meetings and events, but instead I got a crash course in comparing and contrasting health systems in the UK and Israel.

The ambulance was my first surprise. I’m pretty sure, although having never been in an ambulance, I can’t be certain, that I wouldn’t find my feet sticking out the back once I’d been wheeled inside on a trolley in the UK. However, at 5’10, I was too long for an Israeli ambulance. And for pretty much every hospital bed and wheelchair that followed. Even more surprising, the ambulance asked where we wanted to go. Surely they are in the best position to decide. And once at the hospital, the ambulance staff waited for my health insurance details to make sure they were paid. So it was rather more like a very fast taxi. Choice isn’t really welcome when all you want is to stop feeling horrific as fast as possible.

Hospital food was sadly not a contrast. At first I thought I was being a fussy foreigner but as I got talking to the other patients, I found out that it really wasn’t just me. While every meal arriving with two yoghurts or mini-cucumbers was obviously a cultural difference I failed to adapt to, it turned out that no one appreciated the dinner that was six bowls of gloop (and two more yoghurts).

Within the hospital there were no restrictions on visiting hours or mobile phone use. And chaos did not break out. Mobiles were everywhere. Doctors and nurses carried them at all times, answering whenever they rang with an impatient ‘Ken?’. And there were no restrictions on patients using them, which I thought was great, until I was woken one too many times by the Israeli equivalent of Crazy Frog.

I had reason to thank the doctors and their mobiles during my admission. I was cheerily oblivious at the time, but during my initial assessment, when the doctors had concluded that I needed to be hospitalised, the administrative side did not want to let me in until proof had been received from my health insurance. On paper. At 4am. It took a fierce phone call from the doctor sitting in front of me to get me through the door. At some point I witnessed a conversation that probably saved my life. For that particular aspect of the need for payment on delivery, I am very happy to remain absent from the NHS.

But to end on a happy note, an innovation that I would happily appreciate in the NHS is “clowns for all”.

Seeing them wondering around the hospital I’d assumed they were for children. But one evening, two clowns came to visit my ward. They came in, sang a song and made us balloon flowers. And for someone alone in hospital, with no family near by, it was great. This was much less confusing than the first clown I met, as I was being wheeled through the hospital. Feeling a bit groggy, I looked down and saw some giant shoes. The clown was also looking down.

‘You have no shoes.’ This was true, and something of a hospital faux pas. No one went beyond their bed without shoes. ‘Poor Cinderella, where are your shoes?’

I couldn’t answer. I was just wondering quite how strong the medicine I was taking was.

Tasmin James is a member of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Cold hard Israeli interests in the Middle East

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Young Fabian Partnerships Officer Nick Maxwell argues that Israel needs to realise that a change in strategy towards Palestine is in its own best interest.

The status of bi-lateral peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians is somewhere between tired and comatose.

Part of the explanation is that Israeli moderates and enthusiasm for negotiations amongst the Israeli public have both been severely weakened. Following the Israeli Gaza pullout, a consensus view has hardened that withdrawing from occupied territory only increases attacks on Israel. Further, the stagnation has resulted from a belief that the Palestinian leadership has shown that it is not prepared, or not able, to accept even the most generous final offer from Israel. The failure of the Palestinians to respond positively to the 10 month settlement freeze imposed by the current government, at some political cost, reinforced the point.

Lack of confidence in negotiations, coupled with the fact that current security measures seem to be working for Israel (the wall is credited with bringing suicide attacks down by over 90%), has produced an atmosphere where maintaining the status quo can be seen as the best available and entirely acceptable option.

From the Palestinian point of view, a public consensus has also hardened against negotiations, or at least bi-lateral negotiations with Israel. The process of negotiations are felt to have achieved very little, but a worsening Palestinian position. Most critically, every year since the Oslo accords, more settlements have been built in the West Bank. In 1991, 90,000 settlers were in the West Bank, in 2011 there were almost 600,000. This is in direct contravention of the Oslo Accords and to international law governing behaviour in occupied territories.

Israeli hawks draw strength from terrorist attacks, but they also feed off a deep insecurity within the Jewish psyche. The ‘security first’ mentality is hardly surprising. Jewish history is littered with persecution, a minority under threat almost where-ever they settled – culminating in the Holocaust. The day after an Israeli state was declared, it was attacked from all sides by its neighbours.

The story of Israel is one of defiance and survival in the face of existential threats.

However, these are different times and we are entering a critical period. Over the long term, the response to security threats must always include more than containment – particularly when the containment strategy fuels a sense of injustice in the region and the wider world. Israel needs to grow out of a culture of fear and insecurity, and do it quickly.

The status quo should not be acceptable and is not sustainable. The Palestinians remain an occupied people – disenfranchised and disempowered, festering in high unemployment rates and the indignity of externally enforced obstructions to their daily lives.  This has real and long-term security implications for Israel.

With the Palestinian Statehood bid and the Arab Spring, Israel seems to stand on a cliff-edge with only a limited period to orient itself towards a safer and more secure future. This future requires a rejection of the status quo and a strategic shift toward encouraging positive conditions in the Palestinian territories, rather than simply containing negative conditions. In particular, it is important to appreciate three points about Israeli interest:

1) It is not in Israel’s interest to have a failed state on its doorsteps. Over 20% of Palestinian youth are unemployed. State services are generally weak. It is in Israel’s own interest to be doing all it can to promote economic growth and development in the Palestinian Authority (PA) area. Practically, Israel should at least start by stopping the brinkmanship over its threats to suspend payments (of the territory’s own tax yield) to the PA.

2) It is not in Israel’s interest to be hostile to the Arab Spring. Several senior Israelis, including Mark Regev Spokesperson to the Israeli Prime Minister, have voiced concern about the democratisation of the Arab world. It is not sustainable to oppose the cause of freedom and democracy in the Arab world. While it is true that, particularly in Egypt, relations are likely to deteriorate in the short term, a more effective response to the Arab Spring (than wishing it away) will be to demonstrate Israeli commitment to peace and withdrawal from the Palestinian territories. Security and stability in the region will be best served by a dynamic and active hearts and minds exercise across the region, starting with tangible progress for the Palestinians in the bid for statehood.

3) It is not in Israel’s interest for Fateh to fail in its bid for Palestinian statehood. In the words of a prominent Israeli negotiator we met, the current Fateh leadership is “as good as it gets”. The current leadership is committed to peaceful avenues, rather than violence; it respects international law; and is engaged in cross-Arab peace initiatives. But Fateh has a desperate need to show progress, in the peaceful strategy, for the Palestinian people. It has thrown all its political weight and credibility behind the UN bid for Statehood, which comes to a head this month. In its own interests, Israel should do everything it can to encourage the success of this diplomatic route, rather than risk its failure and risk a rejection of diplomacy (bi-lateral or multilateral) and play into Hamas’ hands.

During our meetings, I have heard personal stories, on both sides, of people whose children have been threatened, maimed and killed. The common response is one of resolve to be vigilant against the threat and make the perpetrator pay, never betraying their memory. The more inspirational responses are from people who have taken the same experience and promised to dedicate themselves to finding peace, promising never to betray their memory by encouraging more of the same violence and hatred.

Overall, a security focused consensus and a satisfaction with the status quo in current Israeli politics must be challenged. There is a pressing need to do better, in Israel’s own cold hard interests. There is a need to articulate a new vision of strategic advantage for Israel which sets out ambition and an active intent to improve relations with the Palestinians, and with the region.

Hearts and minds have been the missing components of Israeli military success since 1948.

It will take political leadership, and political creativity, but at this critical juncture when the moderates in the West Bank are threatened, as the Arab Spring starts to present new foreign policy implications, and when the alternative is only the promise of generation after generation of more fear and hatred – is there really a choice?

Nick Maxwell is Partnerships Officer of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

Middle East Delegation Travellog – The State of Limbo

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Young Fabian Treasurer Claire Leigh weighs up Palestine’s bid to become an independent state.

Day three of our trip to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory saw us go again into Ramallah. I was struck once more by the journey from Jerusalem to the nearby Palestinian city, which takes you past the looming eight-metre high wall and the checkpoint with aggressive looking soldiers pacing outside. As we have done for the previous two days, we pass with ease, white enough to appear harmless – tourists on a sightseeing tour perhaps. But the experience is quite different for those Palestinians who live the other side of that wall, and who have to pass by these soldiers every day on their way to school, work or to visit family. Palestinians need a specific pass for every crossing, made virtual prisoners in their not-quite-state.

Our morning was spent in meetings with members of Fateh Youth and several of the party’s politicians. They spoke passionately about the issues facing the peace process, the reasons why there has been so little movement in recent years and the upcoming bid for Palestinian statehood at the UN. The latter is a controversial unilateral move on the part of the Palestinian Authorities; controversial because it bypasses the stalled negotiation process and risks raising expectations among the Palestinians that will not be matched by real change on the ground. The move could also make it harder for the Palestinian leadership to bargain for a real resolution in the future. Once the UN statehood is set in stone, its terms become non-negotiable.

But then the fact that Israel is so appalled at the surprise move by their neighbours suggests there is something to be gained strategically by the approach. It also promises at least to shake things up a bit, possibly get them moving again. For decades Palestine has existed in a state of limbo, without territorial sovereignty but with airtight borders. Without the right to hold Israelis to account when they commit crimes within those borders but without the assurance that Israelis will be charged in Israel. Without the right to raise their own taxes but in charge of spending millions to provide (or not) basic healthcare and education for its not-quite-citizens. The situation is untenable and yet has tenaciously persisted for longer than anyone thought possible.

If the Palestinians’ unilateral bid for statehood is unhelpful or unrealistic, it’s at least understandable.

Claire Leigh is Treasurer of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

 

Middle East Delegation Travellog – Understanding Israel

As part of our Middle East delegation 2011 travellog, Young Fabian Vice-Chair Sara Ibrahim reflects on Israel’s politics.

Over the course of the last few days two distinct strands of thought have emerged: that security is paramount for Israelis and the Palestinians want to be liberated. So much is agreed between the parties: a two state solution is best, that any boundaries should be drawn along the 1967 green line and that the Palestinians need to develop the structures for statehood.

That is not to say there is no dissent. There are groups of Israeli settlers who are living in settlements well outside the 1967 boundaries and on the Palestinian side. Hamas dispute the right of the Israeli state to exist. However, if the mainstream can agree on the essentials, why is peace so elusive?

It seems to all comes down to power and powerlessness. Coming from the UK it has been difficult to understand the heavy security presence that is evident in and around Jerusalem and the West Bank. In the UK the need for 12-foot security walls and check-points manned with armed (mostly) conscripted soldiers seems anathema. So what is Israel’s rationale?

Today I came closer to an answer. This isn’t just a personal discovery but an important matter for the international community to understand before the UN vote on Palestinian statehood this September. Jeremy Leigh, an Israeli academic, told me and a group of Young Fabians that it wasn’t all about the Holocaust. The fact he told me this at Yad Vashem, the Holocaust Memorial site, is more surprising. This is because the West and, many Arab states, have interpreted the creation of Israel as some form of consolation prize for the atrocities perpetrated against the Jewish people by the Nazis.

To say that Zionism didn’t exist before this would be a fallacy. The Jewish people have historically been subject to expulsions from areas they had been well established or mis-treatment. There were the Jewish ghettos in Venice, expulsion of the Sephardic Jews in Spain and the exile to Babylon of the original Jewish community in Jerusalem itself. A culture of being outsiders in the states of others has been a reciting motif of the Israeli narrative and consequently its politics.

Without understanding this viewpoint, the Israeli position can appear irrational. It is not.

The apparent excesses of power shown by the Israeli state are borne out of a feeling of powerlessness. Until Israel has genuine grounds to feel free from attack from extremists then it will not have the strength to negotiate a binding peace agreement. We will know that the Israelis feel truly powerful when they relinquish their checkpoints in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and reduce their army.

One thing is certain – we are not there yet. Until the Palestinians understand the rationale behind the Israeli concerns  - I fear we will not get there.

Sara Ibrahim is Vice-Chair of the Young Fabians and a delegate on the Young Fabian Middle East Trip 2011.

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